By Emilye Crosby
During this long term group examine of the liberty circulate in rural, majority-black Claiborne County, Mississippi, Emilye Crosby explores the effect of the African American freedom fight on small groups often and questions universal assumptions which are according to the nationwide circulate. The felony successes on the nationwide point within the mid Nineteen Sixties didn't finish the move, Crosby contends, yet fairly emboldened humans around the South to begin waves of latest activities round neighborhood matters. Escalating assertiveness and calls for of African Americans--including the truth of armed self-defense--were serious to making sure significant neighborhood switch to a remarkably resilient procedure of white supremacy. In Claiborne County, a powerful boycott ultimately led the ultimate court docket to verify the legality of monetary boycotts for political protest. NAACP chief Charles Evers (brother of Medgar) controlled to earn probably contradictory help from the nationwide NAACP, the segregationist Sovereignty fee, and white liberals. learning either black activists and the white competition, Crosby employs conventional resources and greater than a hundred oral histories to investigate the political and monetary matters within the postmovement interval, the impression of the stream and the resilience of white supremacy, and the methods those matters are heavily attached to competing histories of the neighborhood.
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Extra info for A Little Taste of Freedom: The Black Freedom Struggle in Claiborne County, Mississippi (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture)
As a result, ‘‘some white families helped in the education of . . their servants’ children. ’’ A black woman who graduated from Claiborne County Training School in 1954 attended college with help from a scholarship acquired through a white Port Gibson church and a loan secured by her mother’s white employer. Nate and Julia Jones developed important relationships with two white men, banker Eli Ellis and school superintendent Robert Segrest, who hunted on their property. Nate Jones believed hunting with Ellis facilitated his yearly agricultural loans from the bank, and Segrest encouraged Julia Jones to complete college; when she did, he hired her to teach.
If you wanted a lot of money, you just going crazy. ’’ Over the years, the blacks who did manage to buy land had to struggle to keep it; stories of blacks losing land through fraud and violence permeate Claiborne County oral histories. For example, Katie Ellis insisted that whites took land from her grandfather. ‘‘He paid for it, but they didn’t give him no honor for it. They took it from him. And they say he never did pay for it. [Black] people didn’t own no land much. ’’≥ A Taste of Freedom | 17 Despite general white opposition to black landowning, few Claiborne County whites perceived the TPP as a threat.
My dad said, ‘What do you mean you can’t say it? ’ ’’≤≤ Black deference was also expected whenever blacks and whites shared public 12 | Jim Crow Rules Marjorie and Alonzo Brandon holding a 1960s photograph of themselves and their six children, Ken, Vivian, Carl, Maxine, Dennis, and John, 2004. Photograph by David Crosby, courtesy David Crosby. space. In stores and banks, blacks were never served before whites. ’’ This was so much the norm that decades later a black man still remarked on the day in the 1930s or 1940s when the white sheri√ actually waited behind black customers at the post o≈ce.
A Little Taste of Freedom: The Black Freedom Struggle in Claiborne County, Mississippi (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture) by Emilye Crosby